An Indigenous Christianity?

“The earliest Christology is the highest Christology” (Habermas 2022)

In reading the Synoptic Gospels we find that the authors, Matthew, Mark, and Luke, while each putting their own spin on the story, rely on a collection of source materials, or “Jesus Sayings” from which these gospels are derived. This “Q Document,” or Quelle in French, is believed to have been in circulation well in advance of the Gospels themselves, possibly as early as 35 AD. And, having already formed the corpus of the first century church, they served, in addition to the Jewish Torah, Talmud and Mishna, as a set of “first principles” for Christianity to build upon. And while the initial trajectory of the early Church was altered to some extent by the introduction of Pauline theology, and later politicization of the church under Constantine, the development of both Roman Catholicism and Eastern Orthodoxy remained virtually unchained, with both existing as co-communicants until The Great Schism in 1054 CE and the Protestant Reformation in the 16th century.

But with the publishing of the Wycliffe Bible in 1384, the posting of Martin Luther’s Ninety-Five Thesis in 1517 and the Vulgate translation by Jerome into the German vernacular, as well as its subsequent dissemination to the public via the Gutenberg printing press, the death-knell of Catholic preeminence was assured. And now, with the public having at their disposal the means whereby much of Catholic teaching was invalidated, set about consolidating their newly won spiritual independence through the Protestant Reformation. And by virtue of the fact that scripture was now viewed as literally authoritative (sola scriptura), Christianity itself made an abrupt u-turn, seeking to reclaim what little remained of its lost heritage in the early first century Church. With an emphasis on salvation by faith, grace and repentance, piety then became the hallmark of many independent, reformist expressions, who not only had a high regard for righteousness, but placed a particular emphasis on evangelism. As a result, these “New Lights” as they were called, effected a marked increase in Christian conversion. To the extent that it not only threatened the dominance of the Catholic Church, but The Church of England in its historical power-sharing relationship with the state. As a result, Protestants came under increasing scrutiny, with adherents forced to either uproot, while moving from place-to-place throughout Europe, or abandon the endeavor entirely by embarking for the America’s to avoid persecution and criminal punishment.

Ultimately sacrificing nearly everything they owned to finance their voyage and settlement in the New World, their respective denominations were already well-established in various enclaves by the early 1700’s. And yet, while Puritanism is considered representative of that classical form of piety in America, the initial emphasis on sanctification, simplicity, and mutual support that was so common among Protestant denominations at the time, ultimately gave way to internal divisions and fracturing over scriptural interpretation, religious polity and the effects of secular relativism that was becoming so prevalent at that time. Interestingly, the stage was now set for what would become The First Great Awakening. Beginning in the early 1720’s, Christian evangelists, such as Jonathon Edwards and George Whitfield, traveled throughout the Colonies preaching to anyone who would listen. But, as the onlookers began to increase so too did the conversions, many times accompanied by extraordinary and heretofore unseen supernatural manifestations of the Holy Spirit.

Yet it seemed that no sooner did the movement begin to subside than another appeared. Beginning sometime toward the end of the 18th century, just prior to the start of the Revolutionary War, this Second Great Awakening proved to be even more dramatic than the first. Led by a number of self-styled Bible-thumpers, with little or no theological training, notables, such as lawyer turned preacher Grandison Finney, attracted here-to-fore unheard mass-appeal. And much like Elijah calling down fire from heaven, Finney’s exhortations were such that incredible displays of supernatural power have been recorded, with personal accounts claiming that they saw “… crowds mowed down like cornrows.” Accordingly, any lingering doubt as to God’s intervention in human affairs was soon replaced by a reverential fear of personal judgement. “Saving grace” became not only a synonym for spiritual regeneration, but a door opening wide into “non-ordinary” reality.

As the colonial frontier moved further west, so to did the advance of Christianity, with pioneers often finding themselves either at war with Indians or making peace with them. Yet unbeknownst to most, a spiritual renewal movement had appeared in Indian Country and was gaining momentum. Whether it occurred independently or was the result of earlier efforts by evangelists such as the Puritan preacher, John Elliot, Indian Praying Towns, like that of Natick Massachusetts, were becoming an increasingly common feature of the Northeastern Woodlands, particularly in the wake of King Phillips War (1678). Yet to be clear, the Indigenous response to the gospel message seems to have been predicated upon an altogether different set of circumstances than that of their colonial counterparts. The rapid and alarming decline of Native people due to the associated effects of warfare, disease, and displacement, precipitated a disintegration of Native culture itself. Which in turn led to what anthropologists would later call a “Crisis Cult,” a supernatural last-ditch effort to rationalize and accommodate nearly incomprehensible tragedy and change. Accordingly, a spiritual renaissance began to take shape, one which would not only alter the religious landscape of Indian America, but the frontier of America itself. And, although it had definitive elements of Indigenous organization and expression, Indian proximity and interaction with frontier settlements led to a Christianized cross-pollination of sorts, combining both Indian and Christian spiritual beliefs. And, as many of these early outposts were, for all intents and purposes, racially integrated, they also served to lift the anthropocentric, self-righteous fog that had enveloped many of the earlier Protestant denominations.

Interestingly, as the Indigenous expression was inherently more down-to-earth and accommodating than that of the Christian colonial prototype, it soon became apparent to the frontier faithful that self-reliance, cooperative defense and Christian fundamentalism were not only more realistic, but inherently more beneficial. As a result, a new form of Christianity began to emerge, one that was essentially home-grown. While its foundational belief structure remained intact, it gradually evolved to become more Indian in expression than European. With camp meetings, communal dancing, memorial feasts and a nearly universal acceptance, through shared experience, of dreams, portents, prophecies and signs. In tun, it served to validate, as well as encapsulate the mythos and power of the first-century Church. But perhaps more notably, it was further characterized by corporate “sings,” with lyrics composed of personal testimonials, while accompanied by fiddle and banjo. This in turn became the forerunner of “Appalachian Blue Grass,” Southern Gospel, and eventually the genre we know today as Praise and Worship music.

The seeds of Protestant Christianity had penetrated deep into the native soil of Colonial America, germinating to produce an independent hybrid expression, one which recovered much of the mystery and dynamism lost during Christianity’s long evolution. With its own unique characteristics, frontier Christianity was not only a reflection of its natural surroundings, but the intercultural symbiosis which took place prior to later patterns of settlement and urbanization occurring during the 19th century. Although the Indigenous contribution remains evident even today, Evangelical Christianity as we now know it, evolved to evidence a latent amnesia concerning its original genesis and the Indian contribution to what would later become the largest and fastest growing denomination in America.

And yet, even as that earlier chapter of American religious innovation was coming to a close, another was in the offing. Protestant evangelistic Christianity, due to its nascent development and expansionist tendencies, began to develop a political-religious rationale for unlimited expansion. “Manifest Destiny,” as it came to be known, became the ideological justification, not only for territorial expansion, but unilateral exploitation, not only of lands, but Indigenous peoples who had called it home for millennia. Yet in doing so it was not without some serious resistance. Although the eastern tribes themselves had resisted, in the end it proved futile, as did their syncretic attempts at cultural accommodation. The tribes of the Western Plains and Inter-mountain regions of the West were birds of an altogether different feather, proving more warlike and intractable than that of any so far encountered. Consequently, “The Indian Wars” were not only hotly contested, but became prolonged engagements, often fought in terrain where the Indian had a decided advantage. So much so, that the names of warriors like Geronimo (Apache), Quanna Parker (Comanche), Set’ank (Kiowa), Red Cloud, Crazy Horse and Sitting Bull (Lakota), as well as others, including Chief Joseph of the Nez Perce, not only entered the American vernacular, but historical American institutions like West Point, where Indian war-fighting continues to be studied even to this day.

While US treaty obligations were fluid in interpretation and never fully realized, the compounding interest of treaty violations by the government resulted in a corresponding loss of faith by their Indian counterparts, which not only led to routine hostilities, but a reinvention of process. While talk of a “final solution” was even then being bandied-about, the idea of rounding up “the hostiles” by force, while confining them to reservations was gaining support. But while the “reservation system” inevitability became a reality, it also provided a rather unique opportunity for Christian indoctrination, and to “kill the Indian (spiritually) to save the man.” And corralled as they were, the Indians simply sorted through the religious hay to find that which suited them. Not surprisingly, an alternative form of Christianity once again began to emerge, yet this time with a renewed vigor that was unapologetically Indian and announced by the sound of distant drums.

It was not long then before rumors of a self-styled, Indian messiah, somewhere out west began to surface, yet not before the Ghost Dance had infiltrated nearly every Indian reservation out west. In less than two years, between 1889-1891, it had spread like a brush-fire, while remaining virtually unnoticed until its fated appearance at Pine Ridge South Dakota in 1890. And, with its drumming, dance-circles, manifold visions and miraculous attestations, it was like “living water” for a spiritually parched people. And that was the primary concern, particularly at Pine Ridge. Agency. Carried away by the idea that on any given day, somewhere, someplace in the wilds of western America, Indians were doing their religious thing, independently and unsupervised, participating in all-night vigils, fasting and praying…and drumming, gave the religious authorities and the war department fits. Who, considering the possibility that this seemingly peaceful spiritual uprising had the potential to metastasize and spread to every conceivable corner of the continental United States not only gave them pause, but a plan. While the possibilities were endless, the rest is history as they say, and although tragically graphic, as the preemptive massacre at Wounded Knee Creek proved, the fact is that of over 200, unarmed, men, women and children were cut down by 50 caliber Howitzers, in the middle of the winter on that fateful day of December 29, 1890. This seminal event not served as a terminus for Indian hope, but a sorry footnote for western diplomacy and Christianity as well.

While many have argued, and continue to argue that Indian Christianity is inconsistent with the fundamental principles of The Faith, and that it was only fitting that it should die at Wounded Knee, none can deny that an Indigenized form of Christianity had once again emerged from the religious claptrap of the mainstream. Indeed, while “many scholars have concluded that Christianity’s influence determined much of the form and function of the Ghost Dance itself,” (Warren 2017, 11) the last of that song has yet to be sung. As the irresistible and irrepressible nature of the “Good News” when seeded among the oppressed of this world intimates of the very real possibly of a similar spiritual conflagration spreading throughout the Americas at some time in the not-so-distant future, when resistance for the mainstream will in itself prove futile.